By Chukwudi OHIRI
The
emergence of the All Progressives Congress (APC) in late 2013 opened up a
sinister debate among the South East political enthusiasts. The crux of the
debate was on the future of the Igbos under the emerging ‘mega party’.
Eagle-eyed (or should I say, self-serving) politicians either saw it coming or
anticipated that the APC was up to some surprise in the upcoming elections and
so, there was need to position for sharing the booty when it eventually arrives.
In
the ensuing debate prior to the elections, while some argued that APC holds no
future for the Igboman considering the configuration and the powers that be in
the party, others almost fought one another insisting that the APC is the only,
and perhaps the last hope of the Igboman to realise his dream of at least,
launching himself back into political relevance in the Nigerian political
equation. They premised this permutation on the calculation that if APC
succeeds in wresting power from the PDP, it would want to portray itself as icon
of natural justice and equity by zoning the presidency to the South-East which is
yet to produce the President of Nigeria since after Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe. This
hope was dashed during the APC primaries which produced Muhammadu Buhari as its
flag bearer for the 2015 polls. Owelle Rochas Okorocha, a foundation member and
strong contributor to the emergence of APC as a party lost out to a distant
third place for whatever ‘expedient’ reasons. That expediency perhaps, paved
way for the eventual victory of the APC at the 2015 polls. The hope of
realising the dream of producing a Nigerian President from the Igbo extraction
evaporated, maybe, for the time being. The APC failed to project itself as
symbol of equity and justice for both the minority group and the majority.
Having
won the electoral war, it was time to share the booty. The truth remains that
the Igbos overwhelmingly and still unapologetically voted for the Peoples
Democratic Party, PDP defying the call by the few, will I say, ‘eagle-eyed’ or
‘self-serving’ politicians to key into the ‘imminent, change of baton. Although
the Igbos lost out, they however proved bookmakers wrong that ‘the Igbos will
have a grossly divided vote’. For once, they were unanimous in their assertion
that despite not benefitting so much from the PDP-led administration, the
incoming one led by the APC may not serve it any better. Were they right in this assumption? The
unfolding political drama at the National Assembly might as well produce a
perfect answer.
On
the 8th of June, 2015, the National Assembly held elections to choose
the Senate President (SP), Deputy Senate President (DSP), Speaker and Deputy
Speaker for the upper and lower chambers respectively. Capitalizing on a
political impasse within the APC, the PDP was able to pull a deadly string to
produce the Deputy Senate President in the Person of Senator Ike Ekweremadu who
represents one of the South-East States. Senator Bukola Saraki (who was not
anointed by the APC leadership) emerged as the Speaker of the upper chamber to
the utter dismay of his party leadership leading to so much bickering among the
party hierarchy. That is not the real gist as it is no longer news.
The
real gist here is that after a lot of conciliatory overtures from power brokers
within and outside the party, the APC have come to accept the election of the
Bukola Saraki as the Senate President but have vehemently kicked against the
emergence of Ike Ekweremadu as the Deputy Senate President. They have gone
ahead to call for his resignation threatening to impeach him if he fails to
quit honourably.
Championing
this specious call is a group known as the Unity Forum—a factional group from
the APC senators. The group in a letter to the party leadership on the
imperative of removing Ekweremadu argued that “although the tradition of the
Nigerian Senate concedes much power to the Senate President, it is indeed the
Deputy Senate President that directly interacts and controls the day-to-day
activities of the senate”. They went ahead to list a lot of statutorily
strategic functions ascribed to the office of the DSP warning that it is
dangerous to concede such a sensitive post to the ‘opposition’.
On
his part, the immediate past governor of Kano State and former Presidential aspirant
of All Progressive Congress, Senator Musa Rabiu Kwakwanso urged the Senate
President, Bukola Saraki to declare Ekweremadu’s seat vacant and return it to
the APC—an action that will be clearly unconstitutional and unjustifiable. He
premised his call on the fact that in the sixteen years that the PDP ruled the
country, it at no time gave the opposition the benefit of having such a
position as the DSP. Kwakwanso forgot in such a hurry that as some point in
life of the National Assembly, a member of the opposition party emerged as the
Speaker of the lower chamber (although by act of defection to the opposition
party) and hell was not let lose. He forgot so quickly that the constitution
expressly states in Section 50(1) that there shall be (a) A President and Deputy of the Senate who
shall be elected by the members of the House FROM AMONG THEMSELVES; (Emphasis mine). The constitution never
envisaged the election of these mentioned officers from any particular party
(majority or minority).
Political pundits are unanimous
in pointing out that if a deputy senate president had emerged out of PDP but from
any other geopolitical zone except the South-East, the APC would have buried
its hatchet and sheathed its sword long ago. For the APC, they reason, it is
unthinkable and an affront on the party for a zone that overwhelmingly voted
against it to occupy such a sensitive seat. This is the untold truth about the
present quagmire bedevilling the upper chamber leadership and the Igbos are not
oblivious of that. Had the South-East not grabbed this chance, it is obvious
that the APC were poised to ensure that they paid dearly for their political
decision in the 2015 general election.
The simple interpretation is that
for the second time, the APC has manifested its anti-Igbo posture but are far
from succeeding this time around since the process that brought Ike Ekweremadu
was not only constitutional, but also that the PDP which commands a sizeable
number in the red chamber will never let go of this one precious position it
gallantly secured, not even for any ethno-religious consideration. The PDP had
ample opportunity to as much as secure the Senate Presidency on that fateful
day, but wisely, it resisted the temptation to betray trust and this will go a
long way in winning for it, a lot of goodwill from the opposition and any other
group that may have dealings with it in the future.
At the Lower House, the APC, not
putting anything to chance has concluded arrangements to ensure that the South
East comes nowhere near the leadership position in the green chambers even when
natural justice has providently made it in such a way that South East must
occupy one (even if the least) of the leadership positions available in the
house. The
party reportedly zoned the position of House Majority Leader to the South-West;
Chief Whip to the North-East; Deputy Leader to the North-West; and Deputy Whip
to the South-South leaving the South-East with nothing.
Although Nigeria’s
democracy and most other democracies support the principle of ‘winner takes
all’, the Nigerian Constitution has an antidote to this ‘winner-takes-all’
philosophy embedded in the federal character principle. Except for any major
upset, the APC by this arrangement is on the verge of making a third bold
statement that the Igbos have no future in the party. They forget so easily
that although the party lost in the zone, there were a few individuals who
worked tirelessly to ensure that the party’s presence was felt in the region
and that these individuals deserve a path in the back, not ostracism. Two of such persons are in the House of
Representatives and are favoured by natural justice to occupy a leadership
position irrespective of their rankings.
If the Speaker of the
House in the person of Yakubu Dogara hails from the North-West and the Deputy
Speaker in the person of Yussuf Lasun comes South-West, natural justice demands
that the remaining four principal offices should be shared among the remaining
four geopolitical zones including the South-East. But that may not likely be as
the party may have zoned the position of House Majority Leader to the
South-West, targeting Femi Gbajabiamila; Chief Whip to the North-East, eyeing
Mr. Mohammed Monguno from Borno State; Deputy Leader to the North-West with an
eye on Mr. Alhassan Ado-Doguwa from Kano State; and Deputy Whip to the
South-South with Mr. Pally Iriase from Edo State in mind. For lack of a ranking
member from the South-East, the zone clearly will most likely not produce any
leader and the APC is not likely to invoke any ‘Doctrine of necessity’ (which
would have been the next option) to pacify the zone. The body language of the
Party and in consonance with its seemingly ‘avowed’ pathway does not suggest
that it is willing to go that way.
Finally, the emergence
of Ekweremadu as Deputy Senate president may have implicitly given the APC a
leeway to deny the South-East the position of the Secretary to the Federal
Government (SGF). There is serious apprehension that the position which seemed
foreclosed for the South-East may have also been lost as the APC will most
likely ventilate its anger for the zone by ceding the position to another
geopolitical. If that happens, and when it does, the APC will have succeeded in
making four bold statements reflecting its irritation for the people of the
South-East, nay—Igbos. They will have also succeeded in answering the question
posed earlier in this article about the future of Igbos under the umbrella of
the APC. The Igbos are watching with sealed lips and would speak up at the
right time.
(Also published in Orient Daily, Daily Post)